Congress Movment
Congress & The Freedom Movement
BIRTH OF THE CONGRESS
EARLY PHASE OF THE CONGRESS
NON-COOPERATION MOVEMENT
SATYAGRAHA ERA
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE CONGRESS
QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
DO OR DIE
PLANS OF FREEDOM
RIOTS – PARTITION – RIOTS
THE DAWN OF FREEDOM
BIRTH OF THE CONGRESS
Its
It was not merely the economic exploitation and the sense of political subjection that gave birth to the Congress. For fifty years and more before the birth of the Congress, the leaven of national rejuvenation had been at work. In fact national life was in a state of ferment as early as in the times of Rammohan Roy, who could in a w be regarded as the prophet of Indian Nationalism and the father of modern India. He has a wide vision and a broad outlook. While it is in that the socio-religious condition of his day was the subject of his special attention in his reformist activities, he nevertheless a keen sense of the grave political wrongs by which his country was afflicted at that time and made a strenuous effort to seek an early redress of those wrongs. Rammohan Roy was born in 1776 and passed away at Bristol in 1883. His name is associated with two great reforms in India, namely, the abolition of Sati and the introduction of western learning in the country. In the closing period of his life he chose to Visit England and his passion for liberty was so great that when he reached the Cape of Good Hope he insisted on his being carried to a French vessel where he the flag of liberty flying, so that he might be able to do homage to that flag, and when he saw the flag he shouted, “Glory, Glory, Glory to the Flag.” Although he had gone to England primarily as the ambassador of the Moghul Emperor to plead his cause in London, yet he took the opportunity to place some of the pressing Indian grievances before a Committee of the House of Commons. He submitted three papers, on the Revenue BRAHMO SAMAJ & PRARTHANA SAMAJ
The germs of religious reform planted in the days of Rammohan Roy became widespread Keshab Chandra Sen on whose shoulders fell the mantle of Rammohan Roy spread the gospel of the Brahmo Samaj far and wide and gave a new social orientation to its tenets. He turned his attention to the temperance movement and. made common cause with the temperance reformers in England. He was largel responsible for the passing of the Civil Marriage Act III of 1872
system of India, the Judicial system of India, and the Material condition of India. He was honoured by the East India Company with a public dinner. When in 1832 the Charter Act was ARYA SAMAJ
The Arya Sarnaj in the North West founded by the venerable Swami Dayanand Saraswati, and the Theosophical movement from the South furnished the necessary corrective to the spirit of heterodoxy and even heresy which the Western learning brought with it. Both of them were intensely nationalistic movements, only the Arya Samaj movement which owed its birth to the inspiration of the great Dayanand Saraswati was aggressive in its patriotic zeal, and while holding fast to the cult of the infallibility of the Vedas and the superiority of and the infallibility of the Vedic culture was at the same time not inimical to broad social reform. It thus developed a virile manhood in the Nation which was the synthesis of what is best in its heredity, with what is best in its environment. It fought some of the prevailing social evils and religious superstitions in Hinduism as much as the Brahmo Samnaj had battle against polytheism, idolatry amid polygamy.
Before Parliament
THEOSOPHICAL MOVEMENT
The Theosophical movement while it extended its studies and sympathies to the wide world, laid special emphasis on a rediscovery as well as a rehabilitation of all that was great and glorious in the culture, It was this passion that led Mrs. Besant to start a college in Benares, the holy cit of India
RAMAKRISHNA MISSION
The latest phase of nation renaissance in India prior to the Congress was inaugurated in Bengal by that great sage, Ram Krishana Paramhansh, who later found in Swami Vivekanand his chief apostle carrying his gospel to East and West. The Ramakrishna Mission is not merely an organisation wedded to occultism or realism, but to a profound transcendentalism which, however, does not ignore the supreme duty of “Loke-Sangraha” or social service.
THE IDEA OF AN ALL-INDIA ORGANISATION
The credit for the birth of the Congress is often sought to be given to A/art Octavian Hume, who with the’ blessings ‘of the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin, inaugurated it. The British are thus said to be the foster parents of the Indian nationalism. It is true that Hume was the organiser of the Congress Session in 1885. But it will be seen that the Congress was the natural and inevitable production of various political, economic and social forces.
THE FIRST SESSION
The first session, of the Congress was to meet at Poona hut owing to an outbreak of cholera the venue was shifted to Bombay and the session began on the 28th December 1885, with Mr. W. C. Bnnerjee, the doyen of the Calcutta Bar in the chair, though originally, it had been decided to request Lord Reay, Governor of Bombay, to be the first President of the Indian National Congress but the idea had to be dropped as the Governor was advised by the Viceroy not to accept the offer. 72 delegates came from different parts of the country and most important among them were Dadabhai Naoroji, Ranade, Pherozeshah Mehta K.T. Telang, Dinshaw Wacha, etc. The meeting was truly a national gathering consisting of leading men from all parts of India
The Moderates believed in orderly progress and constitutional agitation. They believed in patience, steadiness, conciliation and union. T
The Surat Split
In 1907, there was a split in the Congress and the Moderates parted company with the Extremists. That split was due to many causes. The moderates had controlled the Congress from its very beginning and even now they were ill control of it. They had their own ways of thinking and 1 which were not acceptable to the younger generation who were impatient with the speed at which the Moderates were moving and leading the nation. Under the circumstances, a confrontation between the two was inevitable and that actually happened in 1907.
Tilak’s Loyal Attitude
Things came to a head after his return, It was soon discovered that Tilak was against setting up of a rival Congress though b this tune it was also discovered that the Moderate party had a very poor following in t lie Congress, so much so that the total number of delegates of the Congress at one tune did not mount to even 350, though the session was held under the presidency of such an illustrious personage as Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, and also held in the vantage ground of northern. India. This loyal attitude of Tilak towards the Congress was well-known to the Moderates but was not appreciated by them. In fact, they resisted by every means in their power, all efforts made by Tilak and his friends to re enter the Congress.
The Home Rule Movement
When Great Britain was involved in the First World War, Indian leaders like Tilak and Annie Besant decided to put new life in the national movement in the country. As the Englishmen did not like the word Swaraj and considered the same to be “seditious and dangerous,” Tilak decided to use the term “Home Rule” in place of Swaraj as the goal of his movement. In December 1915, he had deliberations with his colleagues and on 28 April 1916 the Indian Home Rule League was set up with its headquarters at Poona. The object of this League was to “attain Home Rule or self—government within the British Empire by all constitutional means and to educate and organise public opinion in the country towards the attainment of the same.” A similar Home Rule League was founded by Annie Besant on 15 September 1916 with its headquarters at Adyar near Madras
Non-Cooperation Movement
In the critical closing year of the war, the repressive policy of the British Government was becoming worse and worse. The Press Act was severely enforced. There were restrictions on Tilak and Mrs. Besant. In Bengal the number of youngmen interned ran upto nearly three thousand. There was great hardship and discontent, specially in the Punjab on account of recruiting and war fund activities of the Government.
The war had come to a close already when the Congress met at Delhi.in19 18 under the Presidentship of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviva, The allies had been successful and the principle of self-determination had been declared b President Wilson, Llvod George and other statesmen. In the light of this situation, the Delhi Congress re-examined the position with regard to the Montague-Chelmsford scheme, demanding Dominion Status’ and representation on Peace Conference, and nominating Lokmanya, Gandhiji and Hussan lmam as its representatives. The Congress also urged the withdrawal of all repressive laws.
Gandhi Enters Active Politics
It was at this time that Gandhiji entered the field of Indian politics actively. He took the history decision to begin for the first time, a satygraha movement in the country to protest against the Rowlatt Act.
On the 18th March he published the pledge: “Being conscientiously of opinion that the Emil known as the Indian Criminal law Emergency Powers Bill, No 2 of 1919, are unjust, subversive of the principals of liberty and justice and destructive of the elementary rights of an individual on which the safety of India as a whole and the State itself is based, we solemnly affirm that in the event of these Bills becoming law and until they are withdrawn, we shall refuse civily to obey these law and such other laws as the Committee, hereafter to be appointed, may think fit, and we further affirm that in the struggle we will faithfully follow truth and refrain from violence to life, person or property.”
The 30th of March 1919 was fixed for a hartal, a day of fasting, penance and prayer, hut was changed to 6th April which can be called a red letter day in Indian history. The response of the people startled the Government, which flushed with victory, lost its head. There was firing at place. At Delhi, Swami Sharadhananda when threatened with shooting by British soldiers, bared his chest for the bullets. There were glorious scenes of Hindu-Muslim fraternisation. Swami Shradhananda was allowed to preach from the pulpit of Jamma Masjid. The country took to this new idea, as if they had been waiting for it, all along. A new chapter in the national struggle had begun. The happenings in the Punjab soon provided the immediate source of a deep and torrential flood of national awakening
Jallianwala Bagh Massacre
On 12 April 1919, a proclamation was issued–by General Dyer, who had taken charge of the troops the day before, that no meetings or gatherings of the people were to be held. However, no steps were taken to see that the proclamation was brought to the notice of the people living in the various localities of the city. The result was that, it was announced on 12 April evening that there would be public meeting on 13 April 1919 at 4.30 p.m. in the Jallianwala Bagh. Neither General Dyer nor other authorities took any action to stop the meeting. The meeting started at the right time and there were about 6,000 to 10,000 people present in the meeting. All of them were practically unarmed and defenceless. The Jallianwala Bagh was closed practically on al sides by walls except one entrance. General Dyer entered the Jallianwala Bagh with armoured cars and troops. Without giving any warning to the people to disperse, he ordered the troops to fire and he continued to do so till the whole of the ammunition at his disposal was exhausted At least one thousand persons were killed. The contention of General Dyer was that he wanted to teach the people a lesson so that they might not laugh at him. He would have fired and fired longer, he said, if he had the required ammunition He h only fired 1,600 rounds because his ammunition had run out The regime of Dyer imposed some unthinkable punishments The water and electric supply of Amritsar were cut off Public flogging was common How ever, the “Crawling Order” was the worst of all
The news of events in the Punjab, suppressed at first soon sent a wave of horror and fury throughout the length and breadth of the country. This massacre proved to be a turning point in the history of the freedom movement.
For eight months the Government tried to draw a veil over the Punjab massacre. After the Congress had conducted and published an enquiry into the facts by a committee consisting of Gandhjji, Motilal Nehru, C. R. Das, Abbas Tyabji and Jaykar, and in face of widespread agitation the Government set up a committee under Lord Hunter. Inspite of the ugliest findings, this committee tried to whitewash and justify the perpetrators of the crimes, with mild regret. The House of Commons did not fail to glorify General Dyer and public subscriptions were raised in England to honour him.
Gandhiji’s Decision
Mahatma Gandhi had so far believed in the justice and fairplay of the British Government. He had given his full cooperation to the Government during the First World War, inspite of opposition from men like Tilak. But the tragedy at Jallianwala Bagh, the imposition of Martial Law in the Pun jab findings of the Hunter Committee in 1920 on the tragic events of the Punjab, completely shattered the faith of Mahatma Gandhi in the good sense of the Britishers. He, therefore, decided to start Non cooperation Movement. He felt that the old methods must be given up.
A special session of the Congress met at Calcutta from 4th to 9th September, 1920. Here Gandhiji himself moved the resolution on non-cooperation. He was opposed not only by the President elect, Lala Lajpatrai and by other stalwarts like Chittaranjan Das, but ultimately he carried the day. Pandit Motilal Nehru joined Gandhiji at once and gave up his practice. The resolution was carried by a majority of 1855 votes as against 873.
The country had now found a way to express its intese desire for freedom and a new atmosphere soon began to pervade it. The non-cooperation programme was to be finally discussed and ratified at Nagpur. An unprecedented of delegates attended the Nagpur session. The Nagpur Congress really marked the new era in the Freedom movement The old feeling of impotent range and importunate request gave place to a new sense of responsibility and a self reliance Lalali and Deshbandhu came to oppose proposals but stayed to be converted.
The Nagpur Congress made Gandhiji the indisputedly supreme authority in the Congress and outside. Seasoned leaders like B.C. Pal and Malaviyaji, Jinnah and Khaparde, and stalwarts like C.R. Das and Lalaji were all won over. The Nagpur Congress also changed the creed of the Congress, “in such a fashion as to eliminate the declared adherence of that body to the British connection and to constitutional methods of agitation.”
the non-cooperation resolution. It involved the surrender of titles and honorary offices and resignation from nominated posts in the local bodies. The non-cooperators were not to attend Darbars and other official and semi-official functions held by the Government officials or in their honour. They were to withdraw their children gradually from schools and colleges and establish national schools and colleges. They were to boycott gradually the British courts and establish private arbitration courts. They were not to join the army as recruits for service in Mesopotamia. They were not to stand for election to the Legislatures and they were also not to vote. They were to use Swadeshi cloth. Handi-spining and hand-weaving were to be encouraged. Untouchability was to be removed as there could be no Swaraj without this reform. Mahatma Gandhi promised Swaraj within one year if people followed his programme sincerely and whole-heartedly. Ahimsa or non-violence was to be strictly observed by the non-co-operators. They were not to give up Satya or truth under any circumstances.
The Non Cooperation Movement captured the imagination of the pet Both the Hindus and Muslims participated in it There was wholesale burning of foreign goods. Many student left schools and colleges and the Congress set up such national educational institutions the Kashi Vidyapeeth, Benares Vidyapeeth, Gujarat Vidyapeeth, Bihar Vidyapeeth, Bengal National University, National College of Lahore, Jamia Millia in Delhi and the National Muslim University of Aligarh. Seth Jamma Lal was declared that he would give Rs. one lakh a year for the maintenance of non-practising lawyers. Forty lakh volunteers were enrolled by the Congress. Twenty thousand Charkhas were manufactured, The people started deciding their disputes by means of arbitration.
Government see reason was to start the civil disobedience movement and he decided to start the, same in Bardoli in Gujarat. The Congress Working Committee called upon the people of India to cooperate with the people of Bardoli “by refraining from mass or individual civil disobedience of an aggressive character, except upon the express consent of Mahatma Gandhi previously obtained.” Mahatma Gandhi wrote to the Viceroy and gave 7 days to accept his demands. The Viceroy held, the Congress responsible for all the lawlessness in the country. Mahatma Gandhi was left with no alternative but to launch the civil disobedience movement.
Unfortunately, at this time, the tragedy of Chauri Chaura occurred which changed the course of Indian history. What actually happened was that a mob of 3,000 persons killed 25 policemen and one inspector on 5 February, 1922. Similar tragic events had already occurred on 17 November, 1921 in Bombay and on 13 January 1922 in Madras. This was too much for Mahatma Gandhi who stood for complete non-violence. The result was that Mahatma Gandhi gave orders for the suspension of the Non-cooperation Movement at once. The Goverment was not satisfied with this action of Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress. It was feared that Mahatma Gandhi was out for a bigger trouble and conseq-uently he was arrested on 13 March,1922. His trial began in Ahmedabad and he pleaded guilty. He took upon himself full responsibility for the occurrences in Madras, Bombay and Chauri Chaura and told Mr. Broomfield, the British judge, that he would “do the same again” if he was set free. He was sentenced to 6 years’ imprisonment.
The action of Mahatma Gandhi in suspending the movement was severely criticised from many quarters. According to Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, “Long letters were written from behind the bars by Pt.
Motilal Nehru and Lalà Lajpat Rai They took Gandhi to task for punishing the whole country for the sins of a place.”
The Swarajist Party
When C. R. Das and the other Bengal leaders were in Alipore Cenral Jail, they evolved a new programme of non-cooperation with the Government through legislatures. Their idea was to enter the legislatures in large numbers and “carry on a policy of uniform, continuous and consistent opposition to the Government.” Motilal Nehru also shared the views of C.R. Das. In July 1922, C.R. Das came out of jail and began to carry on propaganda in favour of Council-entry.
When a meeting of the All-India Congress Committee was held at Calcutta in November 1922, there were differences of opinion among the Congress leaders on the question of Council-entry. While C,R. Das, Motilal Nehru and Hakim Ajmal Khan were in favour of it, C. Rajagopalachari, Dr. Ansari, etc., were opposed to it. In spite of lengthy debates, no decision was arrived at. At the annual session of the Congress held at Gaya in December 1922, the “No-changers” won a victory and the programme of Council-entry was rejected. C.R. Das who presided over the session resigned from the Congress and announced his decision to form the Swarajist Party. The Object of the new party was to wreck the Government of India Act, 1919 from within the Councils. In March 1923, the first Conference of the Swarajist Party was held at the residence of Motilal Nehru at Allahabad and the future programme of the Party was decided. The keynote of the programme of the Party was obstructionism. Its members were to contest elections on the issue of the redress of the wrongs done by the British bureaucracy, to oppose every measure of the Government and to throughout all legislative enactments proposed by the British Government. This view of the Swarajists was that the seats in the legislatures must be captured so that they did not fall into the hands of undesirable persons who were tools in the hands of the bureaucracy in India. The leaders of the Swarajist Party declared that outside the Councils, they would co operate with the constructive programme of the Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and in case their methods failed, they would, without any hesitation, join Mahatma Gandhi’s civil disobedience movement if and when launched by him.
Simon Commission and Nehru Report
The Government of India Act, 1919, had provided that a review of the constitutional position would be made after ten years. However, the British Government appointed Royal Commission headed by
SirJohn Simon in 1927, two years ahead of time, to go into the question of constitutional reforms. This Commission did not contain any Indian members; its all-white composition was treated by the people of India as an to national dignity. When Simon landed in Bomb he was treated with black flags and shouts of “Simon, go back”, and there was a countrywide hartal. Anti-Simon, demonstration took place all over the country anti Lala Lajpat Rai, the “Lion of Punjab”, was struck with lathi blows
SATYAGRAHA ERA
PURNA SWARAJ celebrations throughout the county on 26thJanuarv, 1930, in the wake of the famous Lahore Session, revealed the pent-up feelings, enthusiasm and readiness of the people for sacrifice. The independence pledge had rekindled the smouldering fire and a new upsurge was in the offing.
It was iii this atmosphere that All India Congress Working Committee met in February at Sabarmati and authorised Gandhiji to start Civil Disobedience Movement at a time and 1 of his choice.
It was not yet clear what would be the programme of action. Gandhiji’s strategy was not dear even to his closest associates. But the country had unbounded faith in Gaudhiji’s leadership. Earlier he had made his 11-point demand on the Victory and had offered inspite of every thing that had happened, to call of T Civil Disobedience. These points included total prohibition, reduction of Rupee ratio to Is. 4d. reduction of Land Revenue by half, reduction of all Military expenditure by half, protective Tariff on foreign cloth, relaxation of the Arms Act for self-defence and abolition of Salt Tax
HISTORIC MARCH TO DANDHI
Gandhiji began his march at 6.30 a.m. on 12th March, 1930 accompanied by his 79 Ashramites. It was a historic scene, calling back to our minds, the old legends coupled with the names of Shri Rama and the Pandavas. Motilal Nehru compared it to the march of Shri Rama Chandrato Sri Lanka. C.F. Andrews regarded it as Moses leading the exodus of Israelities. Americans compared the epic march to Lincoln’s decision to maintain the Union and his sending troops to the southern States. And all this by one frail unarmed man at 61, challenging the then strongest empire.
The March was widely reported and anxiously watched all over the country. Each day added to the fervour and enthusiasm. 300 Village officers tendered their resignations from the area through which Gandhiji passed. Gandhiji had said earlier “Wait till I begin. Once I march to the place, you will know what to do.” He had a clear vision of this scheme of resistance when others were in the dark.
Government had not yet arrested Gandhiji but Sardar Vallabhbhai and some other leaders had already been put in jail.
The road was watered, the path was strewn with flowers and leaves and decorated with flags and festoons. Crowds gathered everywhere to witness the march and pay homage to this strange army and its general. Gandhiji preached his old Gospel along the route. Khaddar, abstinence from drink and removal of untouchability were the three favourite themes, but he also enjoyed that all should join the Satyagrahis. During the march he declared that he would either die on the way or else keep away from the Ashram until Swaraj was won. Gandhiji’ s march lasted 24 days. They had traversed a distance of 200 miles. All along he was emphasising that the march was a pilgrimage, a period of penance not to be spent in feteing and feasting.
ARREST OF GANDHIJI
The country had been held back and was now ablaze from end to end, being permitted to start salt satyagraha as from the 6th of April, the national week. Huge public meetings were held in all big cities, the audience running up to six figures. The events at Karachi, Shiroda, Ratnagiri, Patna, Peshawar, Calcutta, Madras and Sholapur constituted a new experience in self-sacrifice and also laid bare the mailed fist of the British Government. There were military firings, lathi charges and arrests. Special Ordinances were promulgated to suppress the movement The press was stricken hard Gandhiji had been guiding the movement through his speeches and his Navjivan all along The Government had expected the movement to fizzle out if Gandhiji was left alone Gandhiji then drafted his second letter to the Viceroy announcing his intention of raiding the salt works of Dharsana and Chharsada Then came the time for the arrest of Gandhiji It was ten past one in the night when he was placed in a police car and taken to Yerwada prison.
Mr Ashmead Bartlett of the London Telegraph wrote: “There was something intensely dramatic in the atmosphere while we were waiting for the train, for we all felt we were sole eye-witnesses of a scene which may become historical, this arrest of a prophet, false or true for, false or true, Gandhi is now regarded as a holy man and a saint by millions of Indians Who knows whether one hundred years from now he may be worshipped as a supreme being by 300 million people We could not shake off these thoughts and it seemed incongruous to be at a level-crossing at dawn to take the prophet into custody.”
AFTER THE ARREST
Gandhiji’s arrest was followed by demonstrations from one end of the country to the other. It was the signal for voluntary and complete Hartals in Bombay, Calcutta and several other places. The whole city of Bombay was astir with the huge procession and several public meetings About 50,000 men had struck work in the mills. Railway Workshops had to be closed. Cloth merchants decided on a 6-day hartal. Resignations from Honorary officers and services were announced at frequent intervals. There were serious disturbances at Sholapur and in Calcutta.
Gandhiji’s arrest had raised a worldwide protest There were sympathetic hartals among Indian businessmen in places as far wide as Panama, Sumatra and the boycott movement was a matter of concern to the press in England, Germany and France In America an influentially signed message was cabled to Mr Ramsay Mecdonald by prominent clergymen led by Dr John Hayne Holmes
SECOND ROUND-TABLE CONFERENCE
In the meantime, however, the Congress Working Committee passed a resolution that Mahatma Gandhi should represent the Congress at the Second Round Table Conference to be convened later in193 1 in London. Mahatma Gandhi did attend the Conference as the sole representative of the Congress. As was expected, the communal question and the differences among the Indian people loomed large in this conference and all efforts to solve it by consent proved unsuccessful. Gandhiji put up a valiant light and some of the speeches he delivered were most striking. Speaking on the Congress that he represented, he said: “I am but a poor humble agent acting on behalf of the Indian National Congress, which is, if lam not mistaken, the oldest political organisation we have in India It has had nearly 50 years of life during which period it has, without any interruption, held its annual session. It is what it means-National. It represents no particular community, no particular class, no particular interest It claim to represent all Indian interests and 411 classes It is a matter of the greatest pleasure to me to state that it was first convinced in an English brain, Allan Octavian Hume. It was nursed by two great Parsees, Pherozeshah Mahta and Dadabhai Naoroji, whom all India delighted to recognise as its Grand Old Man. From the very commencement, the Congress had Mussalmans, Christians, Anglo-Indians, I might say all religious, sects, creeds, represented upon it more or less fully. The late Budruddin Tyabji identified himself with, the Congress. We have had Musalmans as Presidents of the Congress, and P too. We have had women as our Presidents; Dr. Annie Besant was the first, and Mrs. Sarojini Naidu followed
CONGRESS DECLARED UNLAWFUL
Gandhiji had strictly warned the Congressmen not to initiate any aggressive campaign but not to suffer any insults to national self-respect. The truce period had been the period of preparation on the part of the Government for renewed hostilities. The Working Committee severely condemned the atrocities and the terrible losses and indignities inflicted on innocent people in pursuance of the policy of terrorism. The President of the Congress that year, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, had addressed the Government on several occasions with no result. Gandhiji asked the Viceroy for an interview but was refused. The beaurocracy now wanted to teach the Congress a lesson. Gandhiji was arrested on January 4, 1932, and the principal Congress leaders all over the country were simultaneously put in jail. Congress was declared illegal. Their funds, premises and property confiscated, their press were banned. Readymade ordinances were broght forth and enforced.
The Congress and the country took up this ruthless challenge. By March 2nd, 1932 already there were 80,000 arrests. By April they rose to 1,20,000. Repression, this time, also exceeded by far the level of 1931. There were wholesale shootings and violence. Enormous fines on persons and villages and seizure of lands and property along with arrests, were made. The Government had contemplated that the movement would be over in six weeks time but it was not before 29 months that the fight had to be given up
GANDHIJI’S EPIC FAST
In September 1932 Gandhiji declared a fast unto death, to undo the provisions of the Communal Award of Ramsay McDonald, the then British Prime Minister, providing for the scheme of separate representation for the depressed classes, since that would yivisect Hinduism.
In May, 1933 Gandhiji undertook another last not against the Government but “for purification of myself and my associates and for greater vigilance and watchfulness in connection with the Harijan cause.” The president of the Congress in consultation with Gandhiji announced the suspension of the Civil Disobedience movement for 6 weeks. In July l9 asked for interview with the Viceroy which was refused.. The Government, however, continued its course of repression Gandhiji who was later released decided to devote his Lime to Harijan work.
The struggle was finally suspended by the All India Congress Committee who were allowed to meet at Patna and decided to call off the Civil Disobedience unconditionally, except for the provision that Gandhiji alone, when he thought. it necessary, could offer Civil Disobedience.
Gandhiji decided to start an individual Civil Disobedience movement, as from 1 August 1933, but he was arrested the previous night. He was released after a couple of days but was ordered to reside at Poona. Gandhi disobeyed this order, was re-arrested and sentenced to. one year’s imprisonment. Thereupon hundreds of Congressmen followed Gandhiji to prison. This movement continued till the early part of April; 1934.
THE SECOND WORLD WAR AND THE CONGRESS
The Second World War began on 1st September, The Second World War 1939. Two days later, the Viceroy of India declared war against Germany without consulting or taking into confidence the Indian leaders. Indian troops were sent to the various theatres of war for the defence of the British Empire. Congress Reaction After having done all this, the Victory started consultations with the Indian leaders. The Working Committee of the Congress met at Wardha in September, 1939 and after prolonged deliberations, a resolution was adopted in which it was declared that if the war was “to defend the status quo, imperialist possessions, colonies, vested interests and privileges, then India could have nothing to do with it. If, however, the issue was democracy and a world based on democracy then India is intensely interested in the maintenance and extension of it. If Great Britain was fighting for democracy, then she must necessarily end imperialism in her own possessions and establish full democracy in India.” The British Government was called upon to declare its war aims “in regard to democracy and ‘imperialism” and also to declare whether those aims were “going to apply to India and to be given effect to at present
INDIVIDUAL SATYAGRAHA
In September, 1940, the AICC resolved, that the self imposed restraint of the Congress could not be carried to the extent of self- extinction. It was decided to launch Satyagraha in support of the modest demand and the issue of freedom of speech. On October 17, individual satyagraha commenced and Vinobha Bhave was the first nominee. Pandit Nehru was to follow him but was arrested on October31, 1940, and was sentenced to 4 years’ imprisonment
QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
The failure of the Cripps-Congress talks which had initially raised public expectations and excitement to a high pitch, caused a lot of disappointment.
Soon after the departure of Cripps, Gandhiji decided that the time for sterner policy and programme had come. The Japanese were knocking at India’s gates. The suffering of the people as a result of prolonged war and a prevailing misgovernment was becoming unbearable. The attitude of the British Government did not show any change of heart. Gandhiji once again took up a revolutionary stand and started a campaign in his weekly paper, Harijans, holding forth Quit India idea. Gandhiji felt convinced that the British presence was the incentive for the Japanese attack. He said: “I am convinced that the time has come for the British and the Indians to be reconciled to complete separation from each other. Complete and immediate orderly withdrawal of the British from India at least in reality will at once put the Allied cause on a completely moral basis.
The Working Committee, however, passed a resolution on July the 14th at Wardha, based on “Quit India” demand. The Congress gave 24 days to the Government to make a favourable response. On 15 July, 1942 Mahatma Gandhi told the foreign press that if the movement had to be launched it would be a non-violent one. On 25 July, 1942, President Chiang Kai-shek wrote to President Roosevelt to intervene so that the Congress was not forced to launch the movement. The letter was forwarded to Churchill but nothing came out of it.
QUIT INDIA RESOLUTION (August 7-8,1942, Bombay, A.I.C.C.)
“The All India Congress Committee has given the most careful consideration to the reference made to it by the Working Committee iii their resolution dated July 14, 1942, and to subsequent events, inducing the development of the war situation, the utterances of responsible spokesman of the British government, and the comments and criticisms made in India and abroad. The Committee approves of and endorses that resolution and is of the opinion that events subsequent to it have given it further justification, and have made it clear that the immediate ending of British rule in India is an urgent necessity, both for the sake of India and for the success of the cause of the United Nations. The continuation of that rule is degrading and enfeebling India and making her progressively less capable of defending herself and of contributing to the cause
IT IS GOING TO BE A FIGHT TO FINISH
In his speech, Jawaharlal Nehru who had moved the resolution ‘himself, said that it was going to be fight to finish.
“The conception of resolution is not narrow nationalism, but it not narrow nationalism, but it has an international background. The arguments for the resolution have already been sufficiently put before the public. I am sure the bona fides of the resolution have been fully understood by all friends. The resolutions is in no sense a challenge to anyone. If the British Government accept the proposed it would change the positions both internal and international, for the better from every point of view. The position of China would be improved. I am convinced that whatever change might come about in India, it must be for the better. The A.I.C.C. knows that Mahatma Gandhi has agreed that the British and other foreign armed forces stationed in India may continue. This has been agreed to in order not to allow the Japanese to come in.”
“I am surprised how intelligent people .in England and America could have misunderstood the Congress stand unless, of course, they deliberately chose to misunderstand it. I have regretfully come to the conclusion that to some extent other governments are also following the British line of thought towards India. Today, the British Government is opposed to the Indian national movement for freedom. I am convinced that the British Government can never really think in terms of advancing the cause of the freedom of India unless, of course, the entire character of the present British Government is changed I am not personally concerned with such a change, but I stand for dissociating myself with that government anti that country. It is not for me to advise the British people what government they should have.
“There is a great deal of criticism in America, too, about what India wants We are accused, by some newspapers, that we are blackmailing It is curious charge for a people to make who themselves had for generations carried on a struggle for freedom If for demanding freedom we are called blackmailers then surely our understanding of the English language has been wrong. Whatever may happen in Whitehall, it is not going to stop us from working for our independence. We live for it and will die for it. I do not want to say anything at the present moment which might add to the feeling of bitterness that exists everywhere. I know that this War has produced great emotional reactions in people’s minds which is one of the worst effects of the War and which makes it very difficult for the people to think and not to think in terms of violent hatred.
“Nobody in Whitehall can think straight, I suppose. There is falsity everywhere. You listen to the. r London, Berlin or Tokyo. One does not know what is the truth. I am prepared to make many allowances for the emotional background in England and America. I do not really mind if people there angry. But I feel sorry for the people in England and America who have a perverted way of looking at the Indian question. They are so wrong that they will certainly land themselves in difficulty. After all, just think what would have been the course of history; particularly that of Britain, if she had taken right steps with regard to India in the last two years If Britain had acted rightly, the entire history of the War would have been different. But in spite of perils and disasters, England has stuck to her imperialism and “rapier. The fact is patent to me that the British Government and, for certain, the Government of India think the Indian National Congress to be their enemy number one. If the Government of India is going to treat the people of India like this, then we also know how to behave with them. We have seen in the last few months unparalleled example of inefficiency and in competency of this government. The whole system is a rotten one. I do not want to associate myself with the creaking, shaking machinery that the Government of India is. As for the so-called National War Front, there is neither the nation, nor the war, nor any front in it. All that this front is now doing is opposing the Congress. I certainly do not mind that. The whole Government of India is built that way. The only occasion when it does function actively and efficiently is when overnight it starts rounding up large numbers of people. One of these some such efficient functioning will reappear against Congressmen!
‘It is curious tangle that we are in. It is not going to be resolved by shouting or by the approaches of the British Government. May I, with all respect, suggest to the great people of America that they have all gone wrong in regard to India, China and the whole of Asia. Americans. have looked upon India as an appendage to Britain, and Asia as the dependent of E rope and America. Some of them have thought in terms of benevolence towards these countries, but always with a taint of road superiority They have s considered themselves, because of their inventions during this machine age, to be infinitely. Better then us and also that we are a benighted back people. But the people of Asia do no propose to be that manner any longer. Asia is the mother-continent of the world, and India and China constitute the real mother countries of the-world, What is the good of such people, who’, simply because they have some very great material achievements to their credit, have forgotten or are not learning the very essence and art of living? They have built and are building better motorcars. This is .a machine age. We will also learn to build machines-better machines. Americans have forgotten the magnificent achievements of China and India. It is China and India, with the experience of ages, who have learned the art of living decently even without the material achievements considered necessary for such living.
“I hate poverty. My grievance against the British is that they has made Indians miserable, poverty stricken wrecks of humanity. We are now taking a step from which there will be no going back. If there is goodwill on other side, then everything would be all right and the whole course of the War and future of the world would be changed. The change would be not merely emotional but in the material sense also. But that is not to be. There might be some difficulty. It is my conviction that this resolution is the only way, the effective way, in which we can help china and Russia and I know how terrible the situation is there. Britain and America must change their whole conception of the War. It is no good looking at Asia as a side-show. Asia is the centre of the War and it is Asia that is going to determine the final result of the War. Therefore, I want to prepare today, even at some risk and peril, so that the final result of the War should be the right kind of result. We must go forward even though it involves certain perils. I should like-my friends, who do not agree with this resolution or who do not try to understand it, to respect our bona fieds. People should realise that if there is any trouble in India, it is we who would suffer. If there is internal trouble or an external invasion by Japan, it is we who would suffer, England might he distantly affected but we have to die immediately. The problem of meeting aggression concerns us deeply. How can I, after seeing the incompetence of the government, trust them? Their whole attitude is one of retreat. We, however, want to be valiant fighters. It is not a narrow nationalist
